{"id":7906,"date":"2020-12-30T00:51:48","date_gmt":"2020-12-29T21:51:48","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/sydialogue.org\/?p=7906"},"modified":"2024-10-30T15:30:22","modified_gmt":"2024-10-30T12:30:22","slug":"suriyenin-bir-toplumsal-sozlesmeye-mi-yoksa-bir-anayasaya-mi-ihtiyaci-var-siyasi-uzlasmanin-anayasaya-onceligi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sydialogue.org\/tr\/suriyenin-bir-toplumsal-sozlesmeye-mi-yoksa-bir-anayasaya-mi-ihtiyaci-var-siyasi-uzlasmanin-anayasaya-onceligi\/","title":{"rendered":"Suriye’nin bir Toplumsal S\u00f6zle\u015fmeye mi Yoksa bir Anayasaya m\u0131 \u0130htiyac\u0131 Var? Siyasi Uzla\u015fman\u0131n Anayasaya \u00d6nceli\u011fi"},"content":{"rendered":"

Sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fme fikri devletin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n temeli olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bir\u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve din adam\u0131, y\u00f6neticilerinin mutlak h\u00fck\u00fcmdarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 destekleme veya ona kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmaya y\u00f6nelik siyasi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini desteklemek i\u00e7in bu fikri kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

1787 y\u0131l\u0131nda Amerikan Anayasas\u0131’n\u0131n kabul\u00fc ile yaz\u0131l\u0131 anayasa fikri ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f ve g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde \u00e7o\u011fu \u00fclkede anayasa uygulanmaktad\u0131r. Bu geli\u015fmeler sonucunda siyasi ve hukuki yaz\u0131larda anayasa ve sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmelerin konu ve \u015fekil a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ne derece ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 oldu\u011fu tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Baz\u0131lar\u0131 anayasan\u0131n sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmenin yasal ifadesi oldu\u011funu savunurken, di\u011ferleri bu iki kavram aras\u0131nda farkl\u0131l\u0131klar oldu\u011funu iddia etmektedi.<\/p>\n

Suriye i\u00e7in yeni bir anayasa yaz\u0131lmas\u0131 ve bunun sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fme ile ili\u015fkilendirilmesi konusunda pek \u00e7ok soru ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor: Suriye ba\u011flam\u0131nda sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fme anayasadan farkl\u0131 m\u0131? Suriyelilerin \u00f6nceli\u011fi sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmelerini tamamlamak m\u0131 yoksa yeni bir anayasa yazmak m\u0131 olmal\u0131d\u0131r? Genel olarak yeni bir sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmenin olu\u015fturulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in uygun ortam nedir ve Suriye \u00f6zelinde nas\u0131l olmal\u0131d\u0131r? Yeni anayasa, istenen istikrar\u0131 sa\u011flayabilir mi?<\/p>\n

Sosyal S\u00f6zle\u015fme ve Anayasa: Kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmal\u0131 Bir Bak\u0131\u015f<\/strong><\/span><\/h3>\n

Sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fme teorisi, siyasi toplulu\u011fun ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve devam\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klar. \u0130nsanlar\u0131n ortak ya\u015famlar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fczenleyen hak ve y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fcklerin temelini, g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc olarak kabul ettikleri bir s\u00f6zle\u015fme olu\u015fturur.<\/p>\n

Sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fme teorisi, devletin halk veya halk\u0131n bile\u015fenleri taraf\u0131ndan \u00fczerinde anla\u015f\u0131lan bir s\u00f6zle\u015fme sonucu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurgular. Bu s\u00f6zle\u015fme, devletin temelleri, h\u00fckmedecek otoritenin esaslar\u0131 ve bireylerin haklar\u0131 ile \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerine sayg\u0131 g\u00f6sterilmesi gibi temelleri i\u00e7erir. \u0130nsanlar\u0131n bu haklardan sadece ortak ya\u015fam i\u00e7in gerekli oldu\u011fu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde feragat edebilecekleri kabul edilir.<\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan anayasa, devletin yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ve do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klayan, basit ya da kar\u0131\u015f\u0131k (federal) olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirten, h\u00fck\u00fcmetin cumhuriyet mi, monar\u015fi mi oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steren ve kamu otoriteleri aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi d\u00fczenleyen kurallar b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. Ayr\u0131ca bireylerin hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerini de tan\u0131mlar.<\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fme ve anayasa aras\u0131ndaki ilkeler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan benzerlikler vard\u0131r. Her ikisi de temel hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131r ve y\u00f6netim kurallar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fczenler.<\/p>\n

\u0130deal durumda, sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fme anayasan\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fc olarak kabul edilir ve siyasi toplum anayasal s\u00fcre\u00e7lere zemin haz\u0131rlar. Ancak bir\u00e7ok “yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131nda yarat\u0131lan” \u00fclkede sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fme olmadan da anayasa yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve bu anayasalar\u0131n halk\u0131n iradesini ne kadar yans\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131na bakmadan bir nevi me\u015fruyiete sahip olmaktad\u0131r. Bu nedenle \u00e7o\u011fu zaman sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmeye dayanmayan anayasalara \u015fahit olmaktay\u0131z.<\/p>\n

\u0130deal durum ile ger\u00e7ek aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131m, d\u0131\u015f fakt\u00f6rlerin sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fme ve anayasan\u0131n olu\u015fumundaki rol\u00fc \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeye y\u00f6nlendirir. D\u0131\u015f fakt\u00f6rlerin sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fme olu\u015fturma \u00fczerindeki etkisi s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131d\u0131r. D\u0131\u015f fakt\u00f6rlerinin tek ba\u015f\u0131na karma\u015f\u0131k bir ortamda s\u0131f\u0131rdan bir sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fme in\u015fa etmesi imkans\u0131z ancak i\u00e7 sosyal, co\u011frafi ve tarihi fakt\u00f6rler, d\u0131\u015f fakt\u00f6rlerinin bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir etki sahibi olmas\u0131n\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131rabilir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7ler anayasa yaz\u0131m\u0131nda daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir rol oynayabilir.<\/p>\n

Zaman a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fme ile anayasa aras\u0131nda da net ve kesin s\u0131n\u0131rlar yoktur. \u00d6zellikle de devletin olu\u015fumu (siyasi birlik) ile anayasa yaz\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n e\u015f zamanl\u0131 oldu\u011fu \u00fclkelerde, Arap ve \u0130slam \u00fclkelerinin \u00e7o\u011funda oldu\u011fu gibi. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla anayasa yazma f\u0131rsat\u0131, toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fmenin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kabilece\u011fi ortam olabilir. Ancak bu, s\u00f6zle\u015fmenin yaz\u0131lmas\u0131na dair gerekli ko\u015fullar\u0131n sa\u011flanmas\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r ve bu makalede daha sonra de\u011finece\u011fimiz konular aras\u0131nda yer alacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak her devletin bir “siyasi birli\u011fi” ve bir anayasas\u0131 olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi varsay\u0131l\u0131r. Anayasa, toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fmenin yaz\u0131l\u0131 ya da geleneksel hukuki ifadesidir ve y\u00f6netim sistemiyle, y\u00f6netici organlar ve bunlar\u0131n y\u00f6netilenlerle olan ili\u015fkilerini i\u00e7erir. Bu ili\u015fkinin temeli ne olursa olsun bu durum ge\u00e7erlidir. Ancak bir\u00e7ok durumda toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fmeye dayanmayan bir anayasa bulunabilir ve bu yukar\u0131daki varsay\u0131m\u0131 ihlal eder. Bu durumda Suriye ba\u011flam\u0131nda \u015fu soru ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Anayasaya m\u0131 yoksa toplumsal bir s\u00f6zle\u015fmeye mi ihtiyac\u0131m\u0131z var?<\/p>\n

Bat\u0131 Deneyimi: Siyasi Toplumun ve Anayasan\u0131n \u0130li\u015fkisi<\/strong><\/span><\/h3>\n

E\u011fer kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmal\u0131 bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 ile bakarsak, \u00f6rne\u011fin Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri’nde halk\u0131n kritik anlarda h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131ndan \u00e7ok anayasa ile ilgilendi\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc anayasa, Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri’ni uzla\u015f\u0131 yoluyla kurmu\u015ftur ve h\u00e2l\u00e2 halk\u0131n g\u00f6nl\u00fcnde destek bulmaktad\u0131r. Yani Amerikan anayasas\u0131, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri’ni kuran \u00f6rt\u00fck toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fme ile uyumlu ve ona b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde benzer \u015fekilde ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu da d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en eski yaz\u0131l\u0131 anayasas\u0131 olan bu anayasan\u0131n devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yor olabilir.<\/p>\n

Ayn\u0131 durum birka\u00e7 Avrupa \u00fclkesi i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir. Zira devletin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 yani “siyasi birlik”, tarihsel, sosyal ve ekonomik ko\u015fullar\u0131n sonucu olarak \u015fekillenmi\u015f ve bu birlik, toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fmelerini, bu geli\u015fimin bir doruk noktas\u0131 olarak toplumdan do\u011furmu\u015ftur. Bu, modern devlet \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemden modern devlet sonras\u0131na ge\u00e7i\u015fi i\u015faret etmi\u015ftir. Bunun ard\u0131ndan, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en eski anayasalar\u0131ndan baz\u0131lar\u0131 yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve bu anayasalardan bir\u00e7o\u011fu -Amerika’daki gibi- h\u00e2l\u00e2 y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fcktedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu durumlarda toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fme ile anayasa aras\u0131ndaki uyum tekrar eden bir olgudur.<\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fcnya \u00fclkelerinde devlet ve anayasa, tarihsel bir geli\u015fimin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc veya sosyal ve ekonomik \u00e7evrenin bir sonucu de\u011fildir. Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k, \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu devlet \u00f6ncesi ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131klarla yo\u011frulmu\u015f bir ya\u015fam tarz\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcren halk\u0131n aksine, Bat\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcne a\u015fina bir entellekt\u00fceller grubunun iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmesiyle sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Devlet, yani “siyasi birlik” ve anayasa, bu \u00fclkelerin tarihsel ve sosyal ko\u015fullar\u0131ndan ziyade d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan esinlenen fikirlerdi. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, bu \u00fclkelerde devleti kuracak bir toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fme eksikti. Yaz\u0131l\u0131 anayasalar mevcut olsa da bu anayasalar etkisiz metinlere benziyordu. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc dayand\u0131klar\u0131 “toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fme” temeli zay\u0131ft\u0131. Ayr\u0131ca bu metinleri hayata ge\u00e7irecek k\u00fclt\u00fcre ve kurumlara sahip sosyal bir \u00e7evre de yoktu.<\/p>\n

Arap d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6neten diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck ve totaliter rejimler, d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan dayat\u0131lan co\u011frafi ulusal \u00e7er\u00e7eveye dayanan kimliksel bir toplumsal ve siyasi etkile\u015fimi geciktirdi. Aksine, bu rejimler uygulad\u0131klar\u0131 bask\u0131 ile sahte ve ge\u00e7ici bir ulusal kimlik yarat\u0131lmas\u0131na katk\u0131da bulundular. Bu kimlik, anayasal bir maske ve d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan gelen bir me\u015fruiyet \u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fcyle kaplanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ancak bu rejimlerin Arap Bahar\u0131 devrimleri neticesinde \u00e7\u00f6kmesiyle birlikte, bu sahte kimlik h\u0131zla \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcld\u00fc ve Arap toplumlar\u0131nda kimlik \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bu nedenle Sudan, Irak ve L\u00fcbnan gibi \u00e7e\u015fitli Arap \u00fclkelerinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen son protestolar, toplumsal ve siyasi etkile\u015fimler i\u00e7in bir f\u0131rsat sundu. Bu etkile\u015fimler, toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fme ile anayasan\u0131n uyum i\u00e7inde oldu\u011fu ideal bir modele g\u00f6re siyasi ve hukuki bir uzla\u015f\u0131ya yol a\u00e7acak yeni bir toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fmenin yeniden in\u015fas\u0131na zemin haz\u0131rlayabilir.<\/p>\n

Suriye’de Toplumsal S\u00f6zle\u015fme ve Anayasan\u0131n Konumu: Zay\u0131f Bir Siyasi Birli\u011fe Dayal\u0131 Anayasa<\/strong><\/span><\/h3>\n

8 Mart 1920’de Suriye’nin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilan edildi\u011finde, Suriye Genel Kongresi, bu ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n Suriye’nin do\u011fal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 dahilinde oldu\u011funu vurgulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu s\u0131n\u0131rlar, “Suriye”nin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra L\u00fcbnan, Filistin ve \u00dcrd\u00fcn\u2019\u00fc de (Levant B\u00f6lgesi) kapsamaktayd\u0131. Ayn\u0131 zamanda baz\u0131 yazarlar, o d\u00f6nemde Arap devletlerinde yeni kurulan siyasi sistemin (bizim ifademizle “siyasi birlik”) me\u015fruiyetinin farkl\u0131 \u015fekillerde de olsa \u0130slam’a dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmi\u015ftir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, “Devletin dini \u0130slam’d\u0131r” veya “\u0130slam, temel yasa kayna\u011f\u0131d\u0131r” gibi ifadeler kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca Suriye Krall\u0131\u011f\u0131’n\u0131n kuruldu\u011fu s\u0131rada Kral Faysal taraf\u0131ndan savunulan ulusal ba\u011f\u0131n, o d\u00f6nemde ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k talep eden baz\u0131 Hristiyan, Alevi ve D\u00fcrzi gruplar aras\u0131nda genel bir kabul g\u00f6rmedi\u011fi ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclmektedir.<\/p>\n

Bu verileri g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde bulundurarak, Suriye devletinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131na e\u015flik eden toplumsal ve siyasi ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini temsil etti\u011fini varsayd\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, Suriye anayasalar\u0131n\u0131n, 1920 Anayasa Tasla\u011f\u0131’ndan itibaren, Suriyeli kimli\u011fin temel unsurlar\u0131n\u0131 -farkl\u0131 nedenlerle- g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etti\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Bu anayasalar, en az\u0131ndan o d\u00f6nemin Suriye toplumsal kimli\u011finde k\u00f6k salm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu konusunda net g\u00f6stergelere sahip olmayan varsay\u0131mlara dayal\u0131 olarak haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. L\u00fcbnan, Filistin ve \u00dcrd\u00fcn’\u00fcn ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan sonra Suriye co\u011frafi olarak s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bir hale gelmi\u015f ve anayasalar \u00f6zellikle 1920 Anayasa Tasla\u011f\u0131, laik bir y\u00f6nelimi benimsemi\u015ftir. Anayasalar, mevcut s\u0131n\u0131rlar i\u00e7inde ya\u015fayan t\u00fcm unsurlar\u0131n ulusal kimli\u011fi benimsedi\u011fini varsayarak, “siyasi birlik” temelinde hareket etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Bu \u00e7arp\u0131k ulusal kimlik in\u015fas\u0131, Suriye’nin ilerleyen d\u00f6nemde \u00f6zellikle Baas rejimi ve Esad ailesinin iktidar\u0131yla daha da peki\u015fmi\u015ftir. Bu rejimler, Suriye’de ger\u00e7ek bir ulusal kimlik oldu\u011funa dair bir yan\u0131lsama yaratm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Devletin “siyasi birli\u011fi”nin g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrdeki unsurlar\u0131, halk\u0131n bile\u015fenleri aras\u0131nda g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc bir uzla\u015f\u0131dan ziyade askeri g\u00fc\u00e7le dayat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Suriye devriminin 2011’de ba\u015flamas\u0131ndan sonra bu g\u00f6stergelerin do\u011frulu\u011fu kan\u0131tlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Dinin devletle ili\u015fkisi ve Suriye ulusal kimli\u011finin “siyasi birlik” ile olan ili\u015fkisi gibi temel sorular h\u00e2l\u00e2 net, a\u00e7\u0131k ve tatmin edici bir \u015fekilde yan\u0131tlanmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu durum Suriye’nin “siyasi birli\u011fi”nin temellerinin tamamen yok oldu\u011fu anlam\u0131na gelmez. Daha \u00e7ok iki \u00f6nemli ger\u00e7e\u011fi ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Birincisi, Suriye ulusal kimli\u011finin tohumlar\u0131n\u0131n var oldu\u011fu ve bunlar\u0131n, Suriye toplumunun unsurlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131k ve net tart\u0131\u015fmalar gerektirdi\u011fidir. Bu tart\u0131\u015fmalar, aralar\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi y\u00f6netmek i\u00e7in bir uzla\u015f\u0131n\u0131n temelini atmal\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130kincisi, Suriye’deki \u00e7e\u015fitli anayasal belgeler, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fte ideal g\u00f6r\u00fcnen ancak asl\u0131nda zay\u0131f bir siyasi birli\u011fi gizleyen hukuki bir \u00f6rt\u00fcden ibaretti. Bu belgeler, toplumu y\u00f6netmek i\u00e7in kurulan kurumlar\u0131n \u015fekliyle ilgilenmi\u015f ancak bu kurumlar\u0131n y\u00f6netmesi gereken toplumsal bile\u015fenler aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi yeterince a\u00e7\u0131klayamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Suriye sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmesinin yerle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in gerekli ko\u015fullar mevcut mu?<\/strong><\/span><\/h3>\n

Sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmenin yeniden \u015fekillendirilmesi i\u00e7in gereken temel ko\u015fullar, son y\u00fczy\u0131lda Arap d\u00fcnyas\u0131ndaki anayasal deneyimlerinde eksik kalan \u00fc\u00e7 ana unsura indirgenebilir. Birincisi \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, ikincisi istikrar ve \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmede halk\u0131n temsilinde d\u00fcr\u00fcstl\u00fckt\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, yeni bir sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fme yazmak i\u00e7in vazge\u00e7ilmez bir \u00f6nceliktir. Bu, \u00fczerimizdeki her t\u00fcrl\u00fc k\u0131s\u0131tlamadan ve \u00f6zg\u00fcr irademizi ifade etme ve bu iradeyi sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmeye dahil etme engellerinden kurtulmay\u0131 gerektirir.<\/p>\n

\u0130kinci \u00f6ncelik istikrard\u0131r. \u0130stikrar, genellikle istikrars\u0131zl\u0131k, karga\u015fa ve fedakarl\u0131klar i\u00e7eren zorlu bir a\u015fama olan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesinin ard\u0131ndan gelen do\u011fal bir durumdur. \u0130stikrar, ancak bir \u201cgarant\u00f6r g\u00fc\u00e7\u201d arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla sa\u011flanabilir ve bu garant\u00f6r g\u00fc\u00e7, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesindeki zaferinden me\u015fruiyetini kazan\u0131r ve sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmenin yaz\u0131m\u0131 tamamlanana kadar bu me\u015fruiyet devam eder.<\/p>\n

\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc \u00f6ncelik ise \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve istikrar m\u00fccadelesinin ard\u0131ndan, bu sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmede halk\u0131n d\u00fcr\u00fcst ve g\u00fcvenilir bir \u015fekilde temsil edilmesidir. Bu noktada, halk\u0131n bireyleri ve bile\u015fenleri aras\u0131nda, s\u00f6zle\u015fmenin i\u00e7erikleri \u00fczerinde anla\u015fmak i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lacak ara\u00e7 ve y\u00f6ntemler konusunda bir uzla\u015fmaya var\u0131lmas\u0131 gereklidir.<\/p>\n

Bu ko\u015fullarda, Suriye’de ger\u00e7ek bir sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmenin yenilenme \u015fartlar\u0131 mevcut mu?<\/p>\n

Suriye’de, halk\u0131n\u0131n iradesi olmadan \u00e7e\u015fitli yabanc\u0131 ordular\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fun m\u00fclteci ve yerinden edilmi\u015f durumda olmas\u0131, silah g\u00fcc\u00fc ve yabanc\u0131 destekle dayat\u0131lan bir y\u00f6netim, me\u015fruiyeti neredeyse kaybolmu\u015f zay\u0131f muhalefet g\u00fc\u00e7leri ve sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fme olu\u015fturma amac\u0131 g\u00fctmeyen mevcut yap\u0131lar (\u00f6rne\u011fin mevcut anayasa komitesi) g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Suriye’nin sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmesini yeniden \u015fekillendirmek tamamen bir hayal oldu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. Yeni bir anayasa yazma tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, Suriye’nin “ger\u00e7ek ulusal kimli\u011fi” oldu\u011funa dair hayalini yaratan \u00f6nceki onlarca belgenin \u00fczerine eklenen “\u015fekli hukuki” bir belge yazma giri\u015fiminden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olmayacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7<\/strong><\/span><\/h3>\n

Mevcut ko\u015fullar\u0131n \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ve Suriye’deki sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmenin yeniden \u015fekillendirilmesi i\u00e7in uygun ortam\u0131n yoklu\u011funda, Suriye i\u00e7in haz\u0131rlanan herhangi bir yeni anayasa, en iyi uluslararas\u0131 teknik standartlara g\u00f6re haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f olsa bile, sadece \u00f6nceki onca \u015fekli belgelerden biri olarak kalacakt\u0131r ve Suriye halk\u0131n\u0131n nezdinde bir itibar\u0131 olmayacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u015eu anki s\u00fcre\u00e7, Suriye halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 dikkate almayan, i\u015fgalcilerin namlular\u0131n\u0131n bask\u0131s\u0131yla yap\u0131lan anayasal metinlerinin yazma tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 Suriye’nin temel sorununu g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmektedir. Suriye halk\u0131n\u0131n -t\u00fcm Suriye halk\u0131n\u0131n- ulusal bir uzla\u015f\u0131ya dayanan Suriye kimli\u011fini hissetmemesidir. Bu da, ger\u00e7ek bir sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmenin yeniden in\u015fas\u0131 i\u00e7in mant\u0131kl\u0131 ad\u0131mlardan uzakla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor. Bu bozulmu\u015f s\u00fcre\u00e7, gelecekteki Suriye nesillerini \u00fclkenin istikrar\u0131ndan ve olumlu aidiyetinden uzakla\u015ft\u0131racakt\u0131r. T\u0131pk\u0131 y\u00fcz y\u0131l \u00f6nce Suriye Devleti’nin kurulu\u015funda oldu\u011fu gibi do\u011fru ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7lar do\u011fru sonu\u00e7lara, yanl\u0131\u015f ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7lar ise yanl\u0131\u015f sonu\u00e7lara yol a\u00e7ar.<\/p>\n

Ancak mevcut ko\u015fullar de\u011fi\u015firse, anayasa yaz\u0131m\u0131 f\u0131rsat\u0131, Suriye’nin ulusal kimli\u011fini \u201cSuriye siyasi birli\u011fi\u201d olarak peki\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in bir f\u0131rsat olabilir. Bu ise Suriye halk\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k sosyal ve entellekt\u00fcellerin tart\u0131\u015fmalara kat\u0131labilece\u011fi \u00f6zg\u00fcr ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir ortam\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Yabanc\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lere dayanmak veya bunu tehdit olarak kullanmak, anayasan\u0131n fikirlerini ve ilkelerini Suriye’nin sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmesi haline getiremez. Bu duum, yeni s\u00f6zle\u015fmenin yerle\u015ftirece\u011fi ilkelerin, hala bile\u015fenler ve entellekt\u00fcellerin aras\u0131nda tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 olan tarihi ve sosyal ger\u00e7eklerle uyumlu olmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektirir.<\/p>\n

Bu ideal ortam\u0131n sa\u011flanmas\u0131 mevcut ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda zor bir i\u015f olsa da bu durum Suriye siyasi birli\u011finin yeniden in\u015fas\u0131 i\u00e7in tek yoldur. Sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmelerin, ulusal ellerle in\u015fa edildi\u011fini ve d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan yap\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 di\u011fer \u00fclkelerinin deneyimleri g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Bu nedenle Suriye halk\u0131, \u00f6zellikle entellekt\u00fceller ve gen\u00e7ler, bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi de\u011fi\u015ftirmek ve Suriye sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmesini tamamlay\u0131p peki\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in ara\u00e7lar ve mekanizmalar \u00fczerinde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmelidir. Bu durum k\u0131sa vadede ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilebilecek bir hedef gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnmemektedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu da mevcut duruma uygun alternatif ara\u00e7lar aramay\u0131 ve gelecekteki ulusal diyalog i\u00e7in uygun ortam\u0131 haz\u0131rlamay\u0131 zorunlu k\u0131lar. Bu ba\u011flamda, yerel anla\u015fmalar olu\u015fturmak i\u00e7in yerel diyaloglar\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmesi, genel Suriye siyasi birli\u011fini haz\u0131rlamaya y\u00f6nelik en \u00f6nemli yakla\u015f\u0131mdan biri olabilir. Bunun amac\u0131, Suriye\u2019nin sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fmesini yok etmek, par\u00e7alamak veya zay\u0131flatmak de\u011fil, tam tersine g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmektir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fme fikri devletin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n temeli olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bir\u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve din adam\u0131, y\u00f6neticilerinin mutlak h\u00fck\u00fcmdarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 destekleme veya ona kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmaya y\u00f6nelik siyasi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini desteklemek i\u00e7in bu fikri kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":7908,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[80,92,49],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-7906","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analytical-articles-tr","category-ortak-kimlik-ve-uzlasi-birimi","category-yayinlar"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nSuriye'nin bir Toplumsal S\u00f6zle\u015fmeye mi Yoksa bir Anayasaya m\u0131 \u0130htiyac\u0131 Var? Siyasi Uzla\u015fman\u0131n Anayasaya \u00d6nceli\u011fi - Suriye Diyalog Merkezi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Sosyal s\u00f6zle\u015fme fikri devletin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n temeli olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. 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