Recognition of Degrees and Professional Experience Acquired Abroad by Syrians: Impacts and Challenges Threatening Human Capital

Executive Summary:

This paper examines the issue of recognizing academic qualifications and professional experience acquired by Syrians abroad during years of displacement and refuge, as well as its social and economic implications. This issue has gained increasing importance in the current phase, as Syria seeks to rebuild its institutions and leverage its available human capital—particularly following the large-scale migration of Syrian students and professionals since 2011 to various countries. Many pursued higher education in foreign universities or gained professional experience in diverse labor markets. As part of this human capital begins to return, or seeks integration into Syrian state institutions and labor markets, significant challenges have emerged regarding the recognition of foreign-acquired qualifications and experience.

The Syrian system for credential recognition is based on a set of outdated laws that have not undergone meaningful reform or modernization. It relies heavily on strict formal equivalence between foreign degrees and their local counterparts, including the duration of study, the nature of academic programs, and admission requirements. While these policies aim to preserve the quality of higher education, they have become increasingly misaligned with the new realities shaped during years of conflict. Educational pathways among Syrians abroad have diversified, and the systems in which they studied vary widely. Moreover, administrative procedures related to document verification have become more complex, particularly due to difficulties in accessing original documents and differences in certification mechanisms across countries.

This paper seeks to analyze the problem by identifying the key challenges hindering recognition of foreign-acquired qualifications, including bureaucratic complexities, the absence of standardized criteria for evaluating foreign academic programs, and weak mechanisms for recognizing professional experience gained outside formal education systems. It also reviews a range of international tools and practices developed to address credential recognition, such as international recognition agreements, networks of national credential evaluation centers, systems for recognizing prior learning and professional experience, and stakeholder motivation analysis.

Based on this analysis, the paper proposes four policy options to address the issue in the Syrian context. The first option involves maintaining the current system with minor procedural adjustments; while this is the easiest approach, its impact is limited and does not address structural deficiencies. The second option entails comprehensive reform and modernization of the existing recognition system by shifting from strict formal equivalence toward evaluating learning outcomes and competencies, simplifying documentation procedures, and recognizing digital credentials issued by foreign universities. This option is considered the most realistic in the short term, as it builds on existing institutions rather than creating new ones. The third option proposes the establishment of an independent national recognition center, similar to those in other countries, responsible for evaluating foreign degrees and developing unified standards for recognition; this is more suitable in the medium term. The fourth option suggests adopting a competency-based assessment system focused on individuals’ skills and practical experience rather than relying exclusively on academic degrees; however, its implementation requires the development of specialized institutional infrastructure and clear assessment standards.

The paper concludes that the second option is the most feasible in the current phase—namely, reforming and modernizing the existing system—while gradually incorporating elements of the third and fourth options in the medium term. It further recommends adopting a phased reform approach, beginning with improving current procedures and enhancing transparency, and gradually evolving toward the establishment of a comprehensive national system for recognizing academic qualifications and professional experience. Such a system would enable the effective utilization of Syrian human capital both domestically and abroad, and contribute to rebuilding state institutions and the national economy.

Introduction:

Following the fall of the Assad regime, discussions have repeatedly emphasized the need for qualified professionals to manage state institutions. Various individual initiatives have emerged aimed at restoring national human capital and encouraging expatriate professionals to return and contribute to rebuilding the state. These initiatives have included the creation of databases and networks of diaspora academics willing to engage and share their expertise. After years of war and displacement led to a significant depletion of human capital—particularly among youth and highly skilled individuals—the first year following the regime’s fall witnessed repeated visits by professionals and experts. According to UNHCR statistics for 2025^[1], approximately 1.1 million refugees returned to Syria within a single year, signaling the beginning of a broader return of expertise enriched with diverse skills and experiences.

However, the return of expatriates and refugees has not been as smooth as expected. Many have encountered significant obstacles, most notably the recognition of prior education and professional experience acquired abroad. Despite the issuance of several presidential decrees in 2025 regulating the return of students who had interrupted their university or postgraduate studies—such as Decree No. 95^[2] and Decree No. 98, which granted exceptional academic opportunities to students who had exhausted their attempts or exceeded registration limits^[3]—these measures have proven insufficient. They failed to address numerous exceptional cases arising from displacement, and did not introduce any substantial reforms concerning the recognition of degrees obtained from non-Syrian universities.

This is further supported by the findings of a survey conducted by the Syrian Al-Thawra newspaper, based on field research involving 181 participants among students and graduates from the diaspora across various educational levels and disciplines. Among them, 63% had studied in Lebanon, 31% in Turkey, and 6% in other countries. The results revealed that 83% considered the conditions governing the integration of diaspora students into Syrian education systems to be “exclusionary and unresponsive to the context of forced displacement,” while 99% reported experiencing rejection or significant difficulty in transferring credits, modifying their academic status, or gaining recognition of the educational systems in which they studied^[4].

The return of increasing numbers of Syrians who pursued education or acquired professional experience abroad has exposed a critical institutional problem: the difficulty of recognizing qualifications^[5], degrees, and experience obtained outside Syria. This stems from outdated recognition systems and regulatory frameworks, as well as discrepancies between Syrian higher education structures and those in host countries. This issue requires urgent intervention, as it hinders the reintegration of skilled individuals, results in the loss of valuable human capital, deprives Syrian institutions of needed expertise, delays reconstruction efforts, and undermines trust in emerging public policies.

This policy paper seeks to answer the following central question:
How can Syria develop a flexible system for recognizing qualifications acquired abroad that enables the integration of returning professionals without compromising educational quality?

The paper analyzes the legal and procedural challenges associated with recognizing foreign-acquired education and experience, examines their impacts, and proposes a set of policy options to improve the recognition system. Methodologically, it relies on a descriptive-analytical approach based on desk research, complemented by a qualitative component involving 13 interviews with returning Syrians facing difficulties in credential recognition, including representatives from student service offices and academics who studied abroad.

The first section of the paper introduces the problem of human capital depletion in Syria. The second section outlines four major challenges hindering recognition processes, including legal, bureaucratic, and conflict-related challenges, as well as issues related to recognizing prior experience and professional accreditation. The third section examines the institutional, economic, social, and psychological impacts of these challenges, including their effects on refugee return. The fourth section provides a stakeholder analysis and examines their underlying motivations. The fifth section reviews comparative solutions and international practices, while the sixth discusses available policy options. The paper concludes with key findings and recommendations.

I. Human Capital Drain: The Problem in Numbers

Syria has long suffered from brain drain. In 2010, the country ranked 77th globally out of 175 countries and fifth among Arab states in terms of skilled migration, according to the World Bank–based brain drain index, with a score of 6.6^[6]. However, this trend intensified significantly—both quantitatively and qualitatively—after 2011. By 2022, Syria ranked 11th globally (among the worst worldwide) and third among Arab countries, with a score of 8.1 on the same index. In 2024, it ranked 14th globally and fifth among Arab states, with a score of 7.7, compared to a global average of 4.98^[7].

Under the former Assad regime, there were no effective government strategies to mitigate the loss of Syrian human capital. On the contrary, the events of the Syrian uprising and the subsequent security crackdowns, conscription policies (both mandatory and reserve), widespread bombardment, and forced displacement led to the loss of a substantial portion of the country’s expertise. Syrian professionals—such as Syrian doctors in Germany, for example—have become integral to key sectors abroad, particularly the healthcare system^[8]. Meanwhile, Syria’s own medical sector has experienced acute shortages in critical specialties, including anesthesiology, psychiatry, emergency medicine, forensic medicine, family and community medicine, and intensive care^[9].

The gap in human resources has not been limited to the medical field. The academic sector has also suffered significantly, with approximately half of postgraduate students (both male and female) leaving the country^[10]. In addition, many public institutions have faced persistent shortages of qualified personnel, particularly in fields such as information engineering, programming, statistics, and economics^[11]. The remaining workforce has proven insufficient to fill these gaps in recent years. Even after political change, employers continue to report a substantial mismatch between university graduates’ skills and labor market needs, alongside deficiencies in practical skills, weak institutional coordination, and an inability to keep pace with ongoing global and local transformations^[12].

According to data from the UNESCO Institute for Statistics, the number of Syrian students studying abroad reached approximately 105,160 in 2023 (see Figure 1)^[13], representing nearly a sixfold increase compared to 2011 levels. A 2022 migration report further indicates a growing trend among students from conflict-affected countries—particularly Syria—toward pursuing higher education abroad^[14]. However, these figures only capture current students and do not provide a cumulative estimate of total graduates. Moreover, the data does not clarify whether it includes Syrian refugees in host countries who, in the early years of displacement, were often treated as domestic students in terms of admission criteria and tuition costs rather than as international students. Consequently, the actual number of Syrians who have studied in foreign universities is likely higher than reported. This group constitutes a critical component of Syria’s human capital and requires targeted policies to facilitate its reintegration, encourage return, and maximize its contribution to national recovery.

Figure 1: Total Number of Tertiary Education Students Studying Abroad (Country of Origin: Syria)^[15]

While this reflects the situation within Syria—where the country has experienced a significant depletion of high-quality human capital—Syrian refugees and expatriates have undergone a demanding journey, facing substantial challenges in continuing their education and integrating into new societies^[16]. Many experienced interruptions in their education, loss of documentation and proof of prior learning, and were compelled to learn new languages while balancing study with work in order to meet basic needs.

Despite these difficulties, many host countries introduced significant measures to facilitate the integration of refugees into existing education systems, particularly at the pre-university level. In some cases, students were admitted without documentation verifying their prior education^[17]. At the same time, a considerable number of Syrian students were able to continue their academic studies in reputable international universities, often benefiting from facilitated admission procedures. Some received scholarships covering tuition costs, while others were granted opportunities to pursue higher education despite their inability to obtain formal graduation documents^[18].

For example, the number of Syrian students enrolled in Turkish universities increased significantly after 2016, reaching approximately 60,000 students^[19] (see Figure 2). Despite facing linguistic barriers, hate speech, and various forms of prejudice^[20], many students were able to overcome these challenges, successfully complete their undergraduate and postgraduate studies, and, in numerous cases, excel academically^[21]. They subsequently entered labor markets, developed their professional skills and experience, and demonstrated strong competence and presence in their respective fields.

Figure 2: Number of Syrian Students in Turkish Universities (Data from the Turkish Council of Higher Education)

The above figures indicate an unprecedented expansion of education outside Syria and highlight the existence of a large segment of Syrians who have acquired education and professional experience within diverse and advanced educational systems. This suggests the presence of a highly valuable Syrian human capital dispersed globally. Reintegrating this capital represents a major challenge that requires innovative policies and targeted incentives to attract and utilize it effectively—efforts that have not yet been adequately undertaken. On the contrary, the persistence of the current legal framework, with its structural weaknesses and inefficiencies, constitutes a repelling environment that may discourage many Syrians from returning and contributing to national reconstruction.

II. Four Key Challenges Hindering the Recognition of Education and Experience Acquired Abroad

The recognition of education and professional experience acquired outside Syria constitutes a critical step in enabling individuals to access employment—particularly within the academic and public sectors. It also allows for the preservation and accumulation of prior experience, including access to professional associations and their associated benefits, such as pension rights.

Within the Syrian context, recognition operates at three main levels:

• Recognition of pre-university education (under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education).
• Recognition of university education prior to graduation (e.g., transfer and continuation of studies).
• Recognition of completed academic degrees obtained abroad.

Recognition at the university level can further be divided into two types:

• Academic recognition, which allows individuals to pursue further studies or engage in university teaching.
• Professional recognition, which enables individuals to practice their profession and benefit from career advancement based on their academic qualifications.

While procedures for recognizing pre-university education have seen some facilitation—particularly for primary and lower secondary levels, with additional documentation requirements at the upper secondary level—significant complications arise at the university level. These challenges are most evident in processes managed by the Ministry of Higher Education, whether in cases of student transfer and continuation of studies or in the recognition of completed degrees and professional experience obtained abroad. Interview findings and media reports consistently point to four major challenges faced by students and graduates of non-Syrian universities:

• The rigidity of the legal framework governing degree recognition.
• Bureaucratic complexity in recognition procedures.
• Challenges related to the context of conflict and displacement.
• Barriers to recognizing professional experience and accessing professional associations.

2.1 Rigidity of the Legal Framework Governing Degree Recognition

The recognition of foreign-acquired education and experience in Syria is governed by an outdated legal framework that has not undergone substantive reform to align with global developments in higher education or with the exceptional circumstances that have emerged since 2011. The Universities Regulation Law issued in 2006 remains the primary reference^[22], supplemented by various regulations related to open education, degree equivalency, and student transfers^[23]. Despite the emergence of numerous implementation challenges over the years, no comprehensive reforms have been introduced, and these outdated regulations remain in force.

Even the most recent Ministerial Decision No. 319 (2025)^[24], which was intended to facilitate student transfers into Syrian universities, introduced conditions that are not well aligned with the realities faced by Syrian students abroad—a point elaborated further below.

The legal and regulatory challenges faced by returning students and graduates can be categorized into the following key issues:

2.1.1 The Problem of Formal and Substantive Equivalence

One of the most significant barriers to academic recognition is the requirement of strict disciplinary continuity between undergraduate and postgraduate studies. This long-standing rule continues to be applied rigidly, whereby a master’s degree is rejected if it differs from the field of the bachelor’s degree, despite the widespread adoption of conversion programs in leading global universities. These programs are specifically designed to allow students to transition across fields of study at the postgraduate level, thereby enhancing flexibility and optimizing the allocation of human capital^[25].

In practice, the Ministry of Higher Education has refused to grant academic equivalency to master’s or doctoral degrees that do not align with prior fields of study, even in cases where applicants have published research or demonstrated expertise in the new field (see Annex 1). Although some applications for professional recognition have been formally accepted, they have remained pending without resolution—even after extended periods of time^[26].

Furthermore, regulations require doctoral candidates to continue within the exact specialization of their master’s degree, rejecting any shift to a different research area^[27]. This rigid application of legal provisions has led to the exclusion of a large number of degrees obtained from internationally recognized universities offering advanced and specialized programs not available within the Syrian higher education system. As a result, the academic system is deprived of opportunities for renewal and expansion through the integration of qualified professionals ready to contribute immediately.

2.1.2 Challenges Related to Secondary Education Certificates

The issue of recognition extends beyond higher education degrees to include secondary school certificates. Verification processes often require strict alignment with Syrian admission standards, even for doctoral graduates. In practice, this has resulted in the rejection of degree equivalency applications—particularly in fields such as economics—if applicants hold secondary certificates in literary or vocational streams (see Annex 1).

This approach fails to account for differences in international admission systems. In many countries, university admission is based not solely on the type or average of the secondary certificate, but on competitive entrance examinations. For instance, in Turkey, students may enter scientific disciplines based on their performance in national university entrance exams, regardless of their secondary school track.

Notably, inconsistencies also exist within the Syrian system itself. Open education programs allow students from various secondary tracks (scientific, literary, religious, or vocational) to enroll in fields such as economics^[28]. Similarly, private universities accept students from literary or religious backgrounds in business-related disciplines, and vocational graduates in engineering programs^[29]. Universities in previously opposition-held areas, as well as institutions such as the University of Aleppo (in those areas), had accepted students from literary tracks into fields such as economics and certain health sciences, and these degrees were later officially recognized. This inconsistency highlights the need for regulatory reform^[30].

The issue also affects students seeking to transfer into Syrian universities. Decision No. 319 (2025) introduced minimum grade thresholds for secondary certificates, varying by specialization. This requirement has prevented many students currently enrolled abroad from transferring to Syrian universities—particularly those admitted based on national entrance exams rather than secondary school averages^[31].

Additional challenges arise for graduates from areas outside government control, where secondary certificates issued by local councils are often not recognized unless original physical copies are provided. Digital or scanned versions are frequently rejected. Moreover, recognition procedures require that the secondary certificate be issued in the same year as university admission, further complicating eligibility^[32].

The problem extends to alternative education systems as well. For example, students who studied in Turkey under open education systems—which do not issue traditional transcripts but instead rely on modular coursework—have been denied registration in Syrian secondary schools and asked to provide proof of completion of ninth grade or to repeat it.

These issues demonstrate that rigid adherence to the type and formal conditions of secondary certificates is no longer compatible with the diverse educational pathways experienced by Syrians during years of displacement. Higher education systems globally have evolved beyond linking university specialization strictly to secondary education streams. Reforming these regulations is therefore essential—particularly given the existence of parallel policies that allow flexibility in open education and private universities within Syria itself. The resulting contradictions in legal and administrative practices not only push students toward private education but also deprive many of opportunities to continue their studies, effectively wasting years of effort—even for those who have already demonstrated competence in internationally recognized institutions.

2.1.3 Non-Recognition of Variations in Program Structure and Duration

The Ministry of Higher Education often refuses to recognize degrees obtained abroad when the duration of study differs from that of equivalent programs in Syrian universities. For example, many European universities offer full-time, intensive master’s programs completed within one year (typically three semesters), whereas master’s programs in Syria generally require two years. As a result, master’s degrees awarded by reputable universities in countries such as the United Kingdom or France have been denied recognition due to discrepancies in program duration, according to multiple interviews. In some cases, applicants were informed that such degrees might instead be classified at the level of a postgraduate diploma. An additional issue arises in the non-recognition of academic specializations that do not exist within the Syrian higher education system.

These practices indicate that the current academic recognition framework has not evolved in line with the significant global transformation of higher education systems. Many countries have restructured academic programs without compromising their quality, increasingly emphasizing learning outcomes and competencies rather than the number of years of study. This has created a clear gap between contemporary educational models and the rigid recognition mechanisms currently applied in Syria.

2.1.4 Challenges in Recognizing Emerging Forms of Education

Interview findings suggest that the Ministry of Higher Education does not recognize certain contemporary forms of education obtained abroad, including online education, joint international programs, and emergency education initiatives developed in conflict settings. For instance, the American University of Beirut designed a specialized educational program targeting conflict-affected contexts, implemented across eight countries and accessible to refugee students. More than 200 Syrian students in Lebanon participated in this program through virtual learning, supported by civil society organizations responsible for logistical coordination and follow-up. However, the partner organization overseeing these students has faced persistent challenges in securing academic recognition for their degrees from the Syrian Ministry of Higher Education, which has rejected this form of education due to the absence of an equivalent model within its own system^[33].

Similarly, students graduating from certain institutions—such as the University of the People, an American institution offering remote scholarships to Syrian students, including programs delivered in Arabic—have encountered difficulties in having their degrees recognized. Comparable challenges have been reported by graduates of institutions such as Imam Al-Ouzai University, which operated in Turkey and offered programs in Islamic and administrative sciences.

Over the past two decades, global education systems have undergone substantial transformation. Online learning, joint programs, and flexible educational models have become widely recognized and are increasingly adopted by reputable universities worldwide. These models serve as essential tools for enabling access to education in contexts of conflict and displacement, and degrees awarded through such programs are generally recognized in host countries on par with traditional qualifications. Therefore, the outright rejection or neglect of these educational pathways constitutes a form of compounded injustice toward individuals who have pursued their education under exceptional circumstances and have acquired genuine academic knowledge and skills. It also exacerbates their vulnerability upon return, limiting their access to appropriate employment opportunities and undermining their ability to contribute effectively based on their qualifications.

2.2 Bureaucratic Complexities in Credential Recognition Procedures

The challenges associated with credential recognition are not limited to the legal framework; they also extend to the complex bureaucratic procedures governing application processes, document verification, and the discretionary roles of administrative personnel. These complexities can be outlined as follows:

2.2.1 Procedural and Documentation Burdens

The process of certifying degrees issued by non-Syrian universities is often lengthy, complicated, and costly. It typically begins with obtaining the necessary certifications from local authorities in the country of study—such as regional administrations or ministries of education—followed by authentication from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in that country. Subsequently, documents must be certified by the Syrian embassy or consulate (if available), before undergoing an additional round of authentication procedures within Syria.

The following figure illustrates the certification process for degrees issued in Turkey as an example (see Figure 3).

Figure 3: Stages of Certification for Turkish Secondary and University Degrees

The credential recognition process also requires the preparation of a large number of supporting documents, often in multiple certified copies. This entails significant time, effort, financial cost, and mobility across different administrative bodies—and, in some cases, international travel. For instance, the recognition of a master’s degree may require the submission of more than 25 different documents, including multiple certified and translated copies of all academic credentials. This imposes a substantial financial burden on applicants, particularly given that certifying a single document in countries such as Turkey can cost between USD 50 and 100. Moreover, applicants are often required to submit certified copies of their secondary school certificates—even in cases where they completed their undergraduate studies in Syria and such documents should already exist in university records.

In addition, applicants are required to pay fees that must be settled exclusively in cash at the Central Bank in Damascus, or to obtain documents from other official entities. Beyond the financial and logistical burden, these requirements contribute to increased pressure on public institutions, often exceeding their administrative capacity. This leads to delays in processing applications, especially given the limited working hours of some employees, resulting in the accumulation of pending cases and prolonged waiting periods for applicants^[34].

Furthermore, the timeframe required to complete the recognition process remains unclear. Applications are subject to the schedules of equivalency committees, which convene periodically to assess each case individually. In practice, the process often takes more than six months, with no clearly defined deadline for decision-making. In addition, there is no formal mechanism for notifying applicants of outcomes, forcing them to follow up in person^[35].

Despite the widespread adoption of digital administrative systems by many universities, which now issue electronically signed certificates, the Ministry continues to reject such documents and insists on paper-based certificates bearing original handwritten signatures. This requirement is increasingly impractical, as many universities no longer issue physical documents. Notably, document verification has become more efficient and reliable through modern technologies; for instance, many certificates include QR codes that allow direct verification through the issuing institution’s database.

This entire process constitutes a significant administrative burden not only on applicants but also on government institutions. The loss of a single document may result in delays or the suspension of an application, requiring applicants to repeat costly and time-consuming procedures. Consequently, some individuals may choose to abandon the recognition process altogether or resort to private intermediaries. In some cases, such conditions may even create incentives for document falsification or corruption through collusion with officials.

2.2.2 Legal Overreach and Restrictive Interpretations

In addition to procedural complexity, there are cases where administrative practices either exceed legal provisions or impose overly restrictive interpretations. The experience of Syrian students in Lebanese universities provides a clear example of the consequences of bureaucratic rigidity. Despite the existence of legal provisions recognizing degrees awarded under the LMD system (Licence–Master–Doctorate, aligned with the Bologna Process)^[36], which differs structurally from Syrian educational frameworks, Syrian authorities have often refused to recognize such degrees. In some cases, graduates were required to complete between 12 and 20 additional courses as a condition for recognition—even when these courses had already been covered in their academic programs^[37].

Although a recent decision has sought to address the situation of students graduating from Lebanese universities, it remains unclear whether additional requirements will continue to be imposed, or whether the decision will apply more broadly to institutions in other countries operating under similar systems^[38]. Notably, some private universities in formerly opposition-held areas had adopted comparable systems, and their degrees were ultimately recognized—highlighting inconsistencies in application.

Similarly, students who had interrupted their studies and sought to resume them were often required to retake courses they had already passed, on the grounds that curricula had changed. This has forced some students to complete a large number of courses within a single academic year in order to maintain eligibility for continuation—particularly given that such opportunities are limited to specific timeframes^[39]. In extreme cases, even doctoral degree holders have been required to complete undergraduate-level courses as a condition for recognition^[40].

These examples demonstrate that the issue extends beyond legal frameworks to include the interpretation and application of regulations within institutions. The absence of clear and standardized criteria has expanded the scope of administrative discretion, often leading to inconsistent decisions, increased complaints, and prolonged uncertainty for applicants.

2.2.3 Weak Institutional Performance and Administrative Conduct

In addition to the structural and procedural challenges outlined above, deficiencies in service delivery within public institutions further complicate the recognition process. These issues are often linked to limited staff capacity, weak oversight, and administrative practices characterized by delays or inefficiencies. Interviews suggest that some employees working in credential recognition operate under restrictive legal frameworks that do not adequately reflect the complex realities faced by returning Syrians. Other accounts point to cases where applicants are burdened with unnecessary documentation requirements^[41].

Such practices may stem from a variety of factors, including political biases, attempts to extract informal payments in exchange for expedited services—reflecting patterns inherited from the former regime—or deliberate obstruction of certain procedures^[42]. At the same time, some employees may avoid exercising flexibility out of concern for legal accountability, particularly among newly appointed staff.

Applicants have also reported negative experiences in their interactions with public officials, including poor treatment, long waiting times, lack of access to clear information, and, in some cases, manipulation or concealment of records, which further delays service provision^[43].

Public institutions in transitional contexts often face difficulties adapting to new realities, particularly when existing legal frameworks were designed for fundamentally different conditions and when institutional reform processes remain slow^[44]. Without effective oversight and rapid, visible improvements, these conditions undermine public trust and reinforce perceptions of continuity with previous administrative practices, even if institutional leadership has formally changed.

2.3 Challenges Specific to the Context of Displacement and Refuge

Many Syrian refugee students and graduates face a significant gap between the documentation required by institutions and what they are actually able to provide, given the exceptional circumstances they have experienced. Numerous refugees have lost essential documents during repeated displacement—whether within Syria, in host countries, or in their current places of residence. For example, many Syrians residing in Lebanon lost documents during repeated internal displacement caused by Israeli attacks, while others in Turkey lost documents as a result of the 2023 earthquake. Additionally, many Syrians were forced to interrupt their education or continue it through formal or non-formal systems that were temporarily recognized—such as temporary schools in Turkey—or to obtain certificates previously recognized, such as secondary certificates based on the Libyan curriculum. However, the closure of these institutions has made it extremely difficult to obtain documentation related to academic progression or copies of certificates.

In some cases, obtaining the required documentation necessitates returning to the host country—a step that is often not feasible. Many students are unable to re-enter countries where they previously resided as refugees due to entry restrictions, visa barriers, or irregular legal status. This has deprived them of access to official documentation, as seen in cases involving Syrian refugees in Lebanon.

Furthermore, recognition procedures often require proof of legal entry and residence in the countries where education was completed, including documentation of residency permits. However, many Syrians left the country irregularly during the conflict and lack official records of their movements. Others resided irregularly in host countries such as Lebanon or Turkey, or pursued higher education in private institutions due to the absence of formal residency documentation.

A related issue affects Syrian students in Saudi Arabia who studied at a Yemeni university that operated a branch within Saudi territory. This arrangement allowed them to pursue in-person education without traveling to Yemen. However, their degrees have not been recognized due to the absence of proof of entry into Yemen[45]. Similar challenges have affected students of Başakşehir University in northern Syria, whose degrees were accredited by Yarmouk University in Jordan; their inability to provide proof of entry into Jordan has resulted in the denial of recognition.

Additionally, the multiplicity of educational authorities across different areas of control during the conflict has complicated recognition processes. Certificates issued by various entities—such as the Syrian Interim Government, the Salvation Government, Turkish-affiliated education bodies, and former Autonomous Administration authorities—have been treated inconsistently. While documents issued by the Salvation Government have been recognized, others—such as those issued by the Interim Government or institutions in northeastern Syria—have not been accorded the same treatment^[46].

These challenges demonstrate that issues related to recognition extend beyond legal and bureaucratic barriers, reflecting a broader misalignment between existing regulations and the exceptional realities of displacement and repeated migration. As a result, many graduates are unable to prove their qualifications under current procedural standards due to missing documentation or the inability to obtain replacements.

2.4 Challenges in Recognizing Professional Experience and Accessing Professional Associations

The challenges of recognizing qualifications acquired abroad are not limited to academic recognition; they extend to the recognition of professional experience and the procedures required for membership in professional associations—both of which are essential for practicing professions legally and securing career advancement.

For instance, some academics have been denied recognition of their prior work and years of experience in universities located in formerly opposition-held areas due to obstacles related to credential recognition^[47]. Similarly, many Syrians have faced difficulties in registering or reactivating their membership in professional associations after years of absence. One interviewed lawyer reported encountering bureaucratic barriers when attempting to re-register after his membership had been revoked in 2015 due to his political stance. Despite submitting documentation and references detailing his professional work since leaving Syria, his application was initially rejected. He was asked to provide proof of political persecution or official documentation of his departure from Syria—requirements that are often impossible to meet given the lack of formal border records during the conflict. After extensive appeals, his membership was reinstated, but his accumulated years of experience were annulled, and his status was downgraded from senior practitioner to trainee.

A similar lack of clarity has been observed in other professional associations, such as the Engineers’ Syndicate. Following the fall of the Assad regime, it remained unclear how or where graduates of non-Syrian engineering programs could register. These individuals were directed toward professional recognition procedures, yet their applications have remained under review for over a year without resolution^[48].

These cases illustrate that the problem of recognition extends beyond academic equivalency into the professional domain. The absence of clear mechanisms for recognizing experience acquired abroad—or for incorporating such experience into professional records—risks marginalizing a large segment of qualified professionals. This delays their integration into the domestic labor market and deprives key sectors of valuable expertise.

The above analysis clearly demonstrates the existence of a serious and multifaceted challenge facing the Ministry of Higher Education and state institutions more broadly. These challenges are compounded by exceptional contextual factors, including differences in curricula, fields of study, languages of instruction, and recognition mechanisms for emergency education models implemented in host countries. They are further exacerbated by outdated and rigid legal frameworks that have not been meaningfully updated.

In addition, the Ministry faces challenges related to the widespread proliferation of fraudulent certificates over the past decade, both within Syria^[49] and abroad^[50]. This was not merely an isolated incident that occurred during the war in Syria, but rather a systematic policy and rewards offered to certain individuals for their services, including former ministers and members of parliament^[51]. Consequently, reliance on traditional document verification methods alone may not be sufficient to ensure authenticity. Furthermore, questions have been raised regarding the capacity of relevant authorities to assess the academic merit of graduates from foreign institutions, particularly in emerging or specialized fields.

III. Impacts of the Complexities in Credential Recognition and Recognition of Prior Experience

The issue of recognizing prior education and experience should not be viewed solely as a procedural or legal challenge. It carries significant implications for the state, society, and individuals alike. Delays in reforming the recognition system risk exacerbating these negative effects, particularly in light of the increasing return of Syrian refugees and displaced persons who seek to contribute to rebuilding state institutions.

Institutional and Administrative Impacts:

The continued application of complex and outdated systems generates multiple challenges affecting both individuals and public institutions. These procedures place a heavy burden on institutional capacity, overwhelm administrative staff with unnecessary transactions, and create bottlenecks characterized by unanswered inquiries and procedural ambiguity.

Moreover, such conditions create opportunities for intermediary networks and document falsification, as individuals seek alternative pathways to complete recognition processes. This undermines the credibility of verification systems and may ultimately affect the international recognition of Syrian qualifications.

The inability to effectively utilize returning human capital negatively impacts reconstruction efforts and institutional reform. Post-conflict societies typically rely heavily on returning professionals to transfer knowledge and build institutional capacity. Current policies deprive Syria’s academic and governmental systems of access to specialized expertise and emerging fields that could contribute to modernization and innovation.

Additionally, the persistence of these policies more than a year after the fall of the previous regime risks eroding public trust in state institutions and their capacity to deliver fairness and reform, reinforcing perceptions of continuity with prior bureaucratic and corrupt systems.

Economic Impacts:

Beyond the financial and time-related costs imposed by current procedures, these complexities prevent many qualified individuals from accessing employment in both public and private sectors, from registering with professional associations, or from benefiting from accumulated experience in pension and insurance systems.

They also result in inefficient use of human capital, as individuals are required to repeat coursework instead of entering the workforce and contributing productively. This reduces economic efficiency and limits the country’s ability to capitalize on returning expertise—particularly given the limited capacity of the private sector to absorb such talent.

Policies that restrict the transfer of students in medical fields (medicine, pharmacy, dentistry) from foreign universities to public Syrian universities—while allowing transfer only to private institutions—impose additional financial burdens and may incentivize students to remain abroad. This is particularly concerning given the acute need for such professionals in Syria. As a result, some graduates may opt to seek employment opportunities abroad, potentially triggering a new wave of brain drain.

Psychological and Social Impacts:

In addition to economic consequences, the current system has significant psychological effects. Survey results indicate that over 61% of respondents experienced educational harm, such as losing educational opportunities or discontinuing their studies. Approximately 46% reported incurring high costs to complete their education, while 77% reported psychological distress, including feelings of frustration, exclusion, and disappointment. These challenges have led many individuals to consider relocating to new countries—options that were not previously part of their plans^[52].

Barriers to Refugee Return and Risk of Renewed Migration:

Current policies have also discouraged some Syrian families from returning or have led them to postpone return plans after observing the difficulties faced by others in obtaining recognition. The lack of recognition effectively limits access to appropriate employment and prevents children from continuing their education.

For example, current transfer regulations prevent a large number of students in Turkish universities—the largest segment among Syrian refugees—from transferring to Syrian public universities, forcing them to remain in Turkey despite significant financial burdens^[53]. This may compel many students to work to support themselves, delaying their entry into the labor market and potentially discouraging return altogether.

The impact may be even more severe for female students, particularly if their families return to Syria while they are unable to remain independently in Turkey or continue their studies in Syria. This may result in interrupted education or forced re-enrollment in different academic tracks, leading to a loss of previously acquired educational capital.

Given these multifaceted impacts, it becomes essential to examine stakeholder motivations and interests in order to identify pathways for reform.

IV. Stakeholders: Motivations, Constraints, and Expected Roles

While students and graduates appear as the primary affected group, stakeholder analysis reveals a broader set of actors whose interests intersect in this policy domain:

• Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research: The primary authority responsible for regulating credential recognition and student transfers, as well as safeguarding educational quality. While it faces growing pressure to facilitate the integration of returning professionals, it remains cautious in adopting comprehensive reforms due to the complexity of the issue.
• Public and Private Syrian Universities: Key actors in receiving transfer students and employing returning graduates. While they stand to benefit from new expertise, some may resist recognition of foreign programs due to concerns over academic standards or competition.
• Ministry of Education: Responsible for pre-university recognition. It has an interest in reforming recognition systems but may face increased administrative burdens as a result.
• Professional Associations (Syndicates): Essential gatekeepers for professional practice. While they tend to adopt strict standards to ensure quality, they may also benefit from the return of skilled professionals in sectors facing shortages.
• Returning Syrians (Students and Graduates): The most directly affected group, whose primary interest lies in a transparent, flexible system that recognizes both academic and professional qualifications acquired abroad.
• Private Sector Employers: Beneficiaries of returning talent with modern skills. They may support more flexible recognition policies, though this carries risks if qualifications are not properly verified.
• International Organizations: Entities such as UNESCO, the ILO, and UNHCR provide technical expertise and support for developing recognition systems in conflict-affected contexts.
• Other Government Institutions: Including ministries responsible for labor and administrative development, which play a role in employment regulation and require coordination to ensure policy coherence.

Reforming the recognition system in Syria requires more than legal amendments; it demands coordinated institutional action across multiple actors. The success of such reform depends on achieving a balance between two core objectives: safeguarding the quality of academic and professional qualifications, and facilitating the integration of returning Syrian human capital.

V. Existing Options, Models, and Ready-Made Systems: How Can Syria Benefit from What Already Exists?

The issue of recognizing qualifications acquired outside the national education system is by no means unique to Syria. Many countries have faced similar challenges in the contexts of migration, displacement, and international academic mobility. Over the past decades, international institutions and a range of states have developed various tools and mechanisms to facilitate the recognition of qualifications and reduce the administrative complexity associated with them. Several of these models could be drawn upon in developing Syria’s own credential recognition system. These include:

UNESCO Conventions on the Recognition of Qualifications Concerning Higher Education:

Since the 1970s, UNESCO has developed a framework of regional conventions aimed at facilitating the cross-border recognition of higher education qualifications, with the objectives of promoting student mobility, supporting academic cooperation, and reducing bureaucratic obstacles in credential recognition. These efforts resulted in five regional conventions, corresponding to five educational regions of the world, each with its own dedicated agreement^[54]:

• The European Convention: the Lisbon Recognition Convention (1997).
• The Asia-Pacific Regional Convention: adopted in 1983 and revised in 2011.
• The African Regional Convention: adopted in 1981 and revised in 2014.
• The Latin American and Caribbean Regional Convention: adopted in 1974 and revised in 2019.
• The Arab States Regional Convention: adopted in 1978 and revised in 2019.

UNESCO then adopted the Global Convention on the Recognition of Qualifications concerning Higher Education in 2019^[55], the first worldwide international treaty dedicated to regulating the recognition of qualifications^[56]. The Convention seeks to establish a global framework for credential recognition and to support academic mobility on an international scale. It specifically emphasizes facilitating access to higher education and labor markets for refugees and displaced persons in host countries, and calls for the development of standards and procedures to assess refugees’ and displaced persons’ qualifications, prior learning, and partial studies—even in the absence of complete documentation—according to the laws and regulations of States Parties. These conventions provide an important reference framework that states can draw upon when reforming domestic legislation on degree recognition, particularly in conflict- and displacement-affected settings.

Turkey, for example, has benefited from these conventions in its credential recognition procedures for Syrian refugees. Through cooperation with international institutions, it was able to overcome the challenges created by the severance of relations with the Assad regime and to verify the authenticity of educational credentials presented by Syrians on its territory^[57].

The European Qualifications Passport for Refugees:

This is an initiative developed in Europe to issue a standardized document outlining the qualifications a refugee is likely to possess based on the available evidence. Although it does not constitute formal recognition, the document summarizes available information concerning the applicant’s educational level, work experience, and language proficiency. The assessment methodology combines available document review with a structured interview, thereby generating reliable information that may be relevant for employment applications, training opportunities, bridging courses, and admission to further study^[58]. This model could inspire the development of a simplified national mechanism for documenting the educational qualifications of returning Syrians and refugees, reducing reliance on highly complex certification procedures.

The European Qualifications Framework (EQF):

The European Qualifications Framework is a common reference tool developed by the European Union in 2008 and updated in 2017 to facilitate the understanding and comparison of educational and professional qualifications across European countries. It is based on an eight-level structure organized around learning outcomes—knowledge, skills, and responsibility/autonomy—which enhances mobility, transparency, and lifelong learning. Rather than focusing on years of study, the EQF emphasizes what an individual knows, understands, and is capable of doing in practice. It covers all forms of qualifications, ranging from general and vocational education to higher education^[59].

Academic Recognition Centers (ENIC-NARIC)^[60]:

These centers operate in 56 countries worldwide and are responsible for evaluating foreign qualifications, issuing equivalency reports, and providing guidance to universities. This model could be particularly useful for Syria in establishing an independent national center for the evaluation of foreign qualifications and the development of more coherent accreditation and recognition mechanisms.

The European Credit Transfer and Accumulation System (ECTS):

ECTS is a system that allows learning credits earned in one higher education institution to be counted toward qualifications pursued in another institution. ECTS credits are based on defined learning outcomes and the associated student workload^[61]. This system has played a major role in facilitating student mobility between European universities and in ensuring recognition of coursework completed across different institutions.

Drawing on the International Labour Organization’s Approach to the Recognition of Prior Learning and Experience:

This approach involves shifting from the notion of “degree matching” to that of “competency equivalence,” through the assessment of individuals’ actual skills using tools such as occupational tests, structured interviews, and analysis of practical experience. The International Labour Organization has developed a range of papers and guidelines on building effective systems for the recognition of learning and skills acquired outside formal education^[62]. Syria could draw upon this approach by establishing a national system for recognizing prior learning and experience acquired outside formal education, particularly for Syrians who developed skills during years of displacement or through work abroad, alongside the creation of independent assessment centers employing diverse evaluation tools.

The Apostille Certification System:

The Apostille is an international certification that verifies the authenticity of the signature and official seal on a public document, enabling it to be used in another country without the need for a lengthy chain of consular legalizations. This system was established in 1961 under the Hague Apostille Convention, formally known as the Convention Abolishing the Requirement of Legalisation for Foreign Public Documents. Its aim is to simplify the cross-border recognition of official documents among member states, which currently number 129 worldwide^[63]. Obtaining an Apostille is sufficient to certify the authenticity of the signature and seals on official documents and to confirm that the document originates from a genuine public authority. In some countries, this certification is issued free of charge or for a nominal fee. The system significantly reduces the bureaucratic burden associated with cross-border document authentication.

These international models demonstrate that Syria can build on existing global efforts in this field and move toward more flexible approaches based on the assessment of actual competencies and learning outcomes. Such approaches would support the development of a more transparent and adaptable national recognition system—one that does not merely address the recognition of qualifications acquired abroad, but also contributes to reforming the broader vision of higher education in Syria and placing it on a more sustainable and modern footing.

VI. Available Policy Options

International experiences show that countries facing large-scale migration or return of skilled professionals have developed diverse models for recognizing qualifications acquired abroad. In the Syrian context, four principal policy pathways can be identified, differing in their level of flexibility, institutional cost, and capacity to balance the protection of qualification standards with the facilitation of returning talent integration:

Option 1: Maintaining the Current System with Limited Adjustments

This represents the most conservative approach, whereby the existing legal framework is retained with minor procedural modifications, such as reducing the number of required documents or shortening processing times. The main advantage of this option lies in its low institutional cost and its alignment with concerns about preserving academic quality standards.

However, this approach fails to address the structural deficiencies of the current recognition system. It is therefore likely to perpetuate existing barriers faced by returning Syrian professionals, hinder refugee return, and limit the country’s ability to benefit from externally acquired expertise.

Option 2: Reforming and Modernizing the Existing Recognition System

This option involves a substantive reform of the current legal and regulatory framework, shifting from strict formal equivalence toward an approach based on the equivalence of learning outcomes and competencies. This would entail establishing broader and more inclusive expert committees—beyond the current scientific evaluation committees—to review and revise laws, regulations, and procedures in a sustainable manner, while granting them appropriate legal authority beyond the current reliance on ad hoc exceptions.

Key outcomes of this approach would include expanding recognition to cover academic programs that differ in duration or structure, simplifying document authentication procedures, and recognizing digital credentials issued by foreign universities.

This option is considered the most realistic in the short term, as it builds on existing institutional structures without requiring a full systemic overhaul. However, its success depends on meaningful engagement with all relevant stakeholders in the reform process and may serve as an entry point for broader reform of the higher education system.

Option 3: Establishing an Independent National Recognition Center

Many countries rely on specialized national centers for the evaluation of foreign qualifications, such as the ENIC-NARIC networks in Europe. These centers assess foreign degrees, issue equivalency reports, and provide guidance to universities and professional bodies.

Establishing a similar independent national center in Syria could contribute to standardizing evaluation criteria, reducing administrative discretion, and enhancing transparency and consistency across institutions.

While this option represents a significant institutional reform with long-term benefits, it requires substantial financial and human resources, as well as a clear legal framework. It is therefore more suitable as a medium-term reform objective rather than an immediate solution.

Option 4: Adopting a Competency-Based Assessment System

This option shifts the focus from formal qualifications to the evaluation of individuals’ actual skills and competencies, using tools such as professional examinations, structured interviews, and practical experience assessments. This approach is widely used in collaboration with the International Labour Organization within systems for recognizing prior learning.

It enables recognition of professional experience acquired abroad or in informal settings and emphasizes individuals’ capacity to perform job-related tasks rather than relying exclusively on academic credentials. However, implementing such a system requires a well-developed institutional infrastructure, clear standards for skills assessment, and strong coordination among government entities, professional associations, and the private sector.

Moreover, this approach cannot fully replace academic recognition systems but should function as a complementary pathway—particularly in technical and vocational sectors where practical experience is critical.

Among these options, Option 2 (Reforming and Modernizing the Existing System) represents the most realistic and balanced approach for the Syrian context. It allows for gradual reform without requiring immediate large-scale institutional restructuring or resource allocation.

At the same time, Option 3 (Establishing a National Recognition Center) should be pursued as a medium-term strategic objective, given its potential to provide a more sustainable institutional solution for standardization and transparency. Meanwhile, Option 4 (Competency-Based Assessment) can serve as a complementary mechanism, particularly in professional and technical fields where experiential knowledge plays a central role.

Findings and Recommendations

Syrians who pursued their education or acquired professional experience abroad during years of displacement represent a critical reservoir of returning human capital in the post-Assad period. Many possess skills, knowledge, and experiences gained within advanced educational and professional systems, which—if effectively integrated—could contribute significantly to the development of Syria’s academic, administrative, and economic institutions.

The challenges faced by returning refugee and migrant students highlight a clear gap between the existing legal and regulatory framework governing credential recognition in Syria and the new educational and social realities shaped by years of conflict and displacement. As a result, current policies lack the flexibility required to accommodate the non-traditional educational pathways experienced by many Syrians over the past decade.

Maintaining the current recognition system without substantive reform does not only hinder individuals’ professional trajectories but also imposes long-term costs on the state. These include the underutilization of human capital, delayed economic recovery, and weakened public trust in state institutions.

Building on the above analysis, and drawing on relevant international models and comparative experiences^[64], the following set of practical recommendations is proposed to support the development of a more flexible and effective credential recognition system:

• Reform the legal framework governing credential recognition, transitioning from strict formal equivalence toward a model based on competency equivalence and learning outcomes, while allowing recognition of related or interdisciplinary fields and accommodating diverse international education systems such as the LMD model and intensive postgraduate programs.
• Ensure inclusive stakeholder engagement in the reform process, involving Ministry of Higher Education officials, academics, student unions, representatives of the Syrian diaspora, and returning refugees, alongside international organizations such as UNESCO and UNHCR.
• Develop a dedicated mechanism for the recognition of refugee qualifications, including simplified pathways for assessing individuals who have lost documentation. This may involve alternative assessment tools such as structured academic interviews, evaluation of partial documentation, or the issuance of provisional qualification statements—drawing on models such as the European Qualifications Passport for Refugees.
• Establish a national system for recognizing prior professional experience acquired outside formal education, through specialized assessment centers using tools such as professional examinations, structured interviews, and practical experience evaluation.
• Create a national body for the evaluation of foreign qualifications, similar to ENIC-NARIC centers, or establish partnerships with such institutions, in order to standardize recognition criteria and reduce inconsistencies in decision-making.
• Simplify document authentication procedures by reducing bureaucratic complexity and adopting international verification systems such as the Apostille, as well as recognizing authenticated digital credentials issued by foreign universities.
• Strengthen coordination mechanisms between the Ministry of Higher Education, professional associations, and Syrian universities to ensure coherent recognition of qualifications and facilitate the integration of returning professionals into both academic institutions and the labor market.
• Accede to UNESCO conventions on the recognition of higher education qualifications, as well as similar international frameworks, to support the harmonization of recognition practices.
• Advance reform of the higher education system itself, including the expansion of academic specializations, the engagement of returning academic professionals in developing new programs, and a shift toward outcome-based evaluation of academic performance.
• Reassess transfer and continuation policies for Syrian students studying abroad, and facilitate their integration into Syrian universities.
• Establish clear timelines for processing recognition applications, accompanied by transparent communication mechanisms to reduce administrative delays and uncertainty.
• Review and rationalize documentation requirements, particularly those requested retroactively or already held within existing educational records.
• Digitize administrative processes related to higher education and credential recognition to reduce bureaucratic burdens and limit opportunities for corruption.
• Adopt transparent policies, including the public dissemination of updated recognition criteria, annual acceptance and rejection rates, and the establishment of an independent appeals mechanism to ensure fairness, periodic review, and continuous system improvement.

Annex 1

Academic Qualification	Recognition Result
Bachelor’s Degree in Sharia (Theology) in Turkey	Recognized
Master’s Degree in Media in Turkey	Not academically recognized due to lack of formal equivalence; accepted only for employment purposes
Bachelor’s Degree in Arabic Literature	Recognized
Master’s Degree in Pre-Islamic Literature	Recognized
Master’s Degree in Umayyad Literature	Not recognized (lack of equivalence)
Bachelor’s Degree in Economics in Lebanon	Rejected due to mismatch with secondary education track (literary stream)
Bachelor’s Degree in Arabic Language (Yemeni University – Saudi Arabia campus)	Rejected due to absence of proof of entry into Yemen
Master’s Degree in Teaching Arabic (Istanbul Aydın University)	Not recognized due to non-recognition of prior bachelor’s degree
Master’s Degree in Laboratory Sciences/Chemistry	Not recognized due to separation between laboratory sciences and chemistry specialization
Bachelor’s Degree in Pharmacy (University of Damascus)	Recognized
Master’s Degree in Public Health (UK)	Not recognized due to shorter study duration compared to Syrian standards
Bachelor’s Degree in Computer Engineering (University of Damascus)	Recognized
Master’s Degree in Computer Engineering (France)	Not recognized due to study duration discrepancy
Nursing Degree (Mardin University)	Not recognized due to industrial secondary education background
Bachelor’s Degree in Economics (Mardin University)	Not recognized due to literary secondary education background
Master’s Degree in Economics (Gaziantep University)	Not recognized due to non-recognition of bachelor’s degree
Interior Design Engineering (Lebanon)	Not recognized due to vocational secondary education background